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Among the great themes that characterize the history and the reality of the European Union or the process of European integration, one of the most important, that deserves to be explored, is certainly the theme of a foreign politics and safety common for the institutions. There is a first question: when the European Community define a foreign politics? The answer is simple: late. For every first decades of the European integration, a common foreign politics pratically doesn't exist. After the failure of the CED. In 1954, after the abandonment of the great aspirations that anticipated the times, but evidently they still met with a reality not mature, a first pale element of confrontation of foreign politics is established, to the beginnings of the years '70, after the report Davignon and the so-called political cooperation, that will be sanctioned then by the European Unique action in 1985. But we are still out of a true sphere of power for the European institutional subject. It needs to attend the 1989-1990 great turn. A turn that has radically changed the course of the world and the course of Europe, a turn pacifically happened, other great prodigy of the history, in a certain sense the break-in of the discontinuity in the process of European integration. The European Economic Community faced for the first time the great matters that are certainly of the matters of foreign politics. I mean the problem of the German unification, I mean the problem of the relationship with the new democracies that are constituting in the center-oriental part of Europe. The wall in Berlin falls the 9 of November of 1989, conferences immediately start for examining the new situation, an intergovernmental lecture already outlined for a new Treaty, however for the Economic and Monetary union. Well, the 18 April of 1990, therefore few months after the fall of the wall, Mitterand and Kohl write a letter to joined signature to the reigning European President, the Irish Primo Ministro, in which they ask to open two intergovernmental conferences. The first, for the Economic and Monetary union, already anticipated, the second, entirely unpublished, for the political aspects of the integration with a specific reference to the installation of a common politics foreign of safety. In Rome at the end of 1990 are open the two intergovernmental conferences, we reach to the Treaty of Maastricht, signed in February of 1992, and gone into effect the first November of 1993. The Treaty of Maastricht is the treaty that enacts the birth of the this PESC: Politics Foreign safety Commune. Do we want to see the formula? The formula adopted by Maastricht is an enough ingenious formula, also to overcome the difficulties that were very strong. It is the formula of a based European union on 3 pillars and surmounted, the pillars, from an unique pediment, i.e. the common institutions. The first pillar is the European Economic Community, even though, we say, refreshed and subsequently widened. It is the pillar that will be delivered to the Treaty on the European Community, that is the evolution of the treaty 1957 Rome EEC. There is then the Treaty on the European union with the three pillars. The second of these pillars, exactly calls: foreign politics and common safety; while the third concerns the cooperation in subject of justice and inside business and will have following evolutions. But we look quickly the characteristics of the politics foreign safety commune. Meanwhile I have to say that it will be the Treaty in Amsterdam, that will go into effect in the '99, to still improve the timid formulation, in some embarrassed way, of the 1993 Maastricht Essay. Meanwhile there is a double field: foreign politics and politics of safety and defense and then there is an institutional apparatus completed by the Treaty in Amsterdam, the figure of the general Secretary of the Council, that is also High representative for the politics foreign and safety commune, assists the Council, and
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